This vision is a clear pathway to an equal and sustainable partnership that ensures equality and recognition of national, religious, and cultural diversity in the Kurdistan Region. Through it, the Assyrian Democratic Movement affirms that genuine partnership is not symbolic representation, but complete political, administrative, cultural, economic, and social rights, in a way that guarantees the existence and flourishing of our Chaldean Syriac Assyrian people in their ancestral homeland.
This vision addresses all aspects of the injustice our people have endured and continue to endure in the Region and also proposes solutions and remedies. We present it to the political leadership of Kurdistan and call upon them to fulfill their responsibilities, understand this suffering, and endeavor to apply the solutions and reforms needed.
Introduction:
Since the founding of the modern Iraqi state, the Chaldean Syriac Assyrian people have made—and continue to make—significant sacrifices and meaningful contributions in support of the nation, its sovereignty, and its dignity. Alongside other Iraqis, they have demonstrated courage and generosity, steadfastly defending their rights and preserving their national identity through the sacrifices required. They have also played a vital role in both the Iraqi and Kurdish national movements, bearing their share of the struggle against oppressive and violent dictatorial regimes. Throughout this journey, they have endured systematic campaigns of genocide, including the Semele Massacre in 1933, the targeted assassinations of community leaders and village elders, the destruction and forced displacement of their villages during the Kurdish liberation movement in 1961, the Surya Massacre in 1969, the Black Anfal campaign in 1988, and executions carried out in the prisons of the former fascist regime. Since 2003, they have continued to face identity-based killings and abductions, including the horrific attack on Our Lady of Salvation Church in Baghdad. Despite these hardships, they have offered dozens of martyrs in the struggle for freedom and democracy, striving to build a just and democratic system that guarantees dignified living and constitutionally protected rights for all.
Our people stood alongside the Kurdish people in the liberation movement, sacrificing dozens of martyrs throughout the struggle. Hundreds of their villages were destroyed, burned, and their residents forcibly displaced. They embraced their historic duty to resist oppression and dictatorship. The blood of martyrs like Hormuz Malek Jako, Talya Shino, Isa Oraha, Margaret George, and many others was shed alongside their Kurdish brothers in the shared fight for freedom, dignity, and rightful justice.
Our People’s Political Experience in the Kurdistan Region:
The Chaldean Syriac Assyrian people represent the second-largest nationality in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Despite their active political involvement—most notably through the Assyrian Democratic Movement, which has contributed to shaping the region’s political framework since 1991 and joined Kurdish forces in the armed struggle against the former dictatorship—their rightful entitlements remain insufficient. Their legitimate rights and aspirations for justice and meaningful national partnership have yet to be fully realized. In fact, the current reality reflects a retreat from many of the principles forged through the sacrifices of martyrs during the struggle against tyranny. Over the past three decades, these setbacks have been reinforced by prevailing political practices. The Kurdish political leadership has fallen short in establishing a true national partnership. Instead, it has sought to suppress the will of our people, sideline authentic political forces, exclude them from public life, and replace meaningful representation with weak, compliant figures who serve narrow party interests. As a result, our community’s political representation within the Kurdistan Region’s authorities has become a hollow facade, masking a harsh and troubling reality.
Efforts to undermine our people’s political representation began in the 1980s, particularly after the Assyrian Democratic Movement launched its armed struggle in 1982 alongside other national and Kurdish parties. Our community’s independent engagement in the national cause clearly unsettled certain Kurdish political factions. In response, they established artificial, loyalist groups within our ranks to fragment our political unity and seize control over decision-making. These tactics persisted after the March Uprising, as divide-and-rule strategies were deployed—reviving historical names and using sectarian labels to form puppet entities, echoing the former regime’s creation of proxy Kurdish parties in Baghdad. Consequently, our people’s national cause has been weakened under the guise of political disputes—disputes that are, in fact, the predictable outcome of entities designed to foster division and lacking real grassroots legitimacy
This deliberate political fragmentation within our national homeland has advanced to the extent that it has effectively usurped both the political and administrative representation of the Chaldean Syriac Assyrian people.
After this phenomenon took root in the region, certain Shia political movements in Iraq swiftly embraced similar approaches and practices. Today’s political landscape makes this clear: a collection of politically labeled, subordinate groups have been unjustly elevated to speak on behalf of our people. In truth, they pursue agendas that have little to do with our people’s legitimate political aspirations and rights. Many of them are entirely detached from our people’s historical experience and the current sentiments of the public. Sadly, these manufactured parties and figures now serve as a façade, distorting the reality of our people’s suffering.
The Land Violations File and the Loss of Political Will:
Following the first parliamentary elections in the Kurdistan Region in 1992 and the establishment of the initial regional government, one of the earliest issues the Assyrian Democratic Movement aimed to address was the matter of land and village violations committed against our people—whether these transgressions took place under the former fascist dictatorship or in the period after 1991.
Over the past three decades, no meaningful resolution has been achieved, primarily due to a persistent lack of political will from the Kurdish authorities. Despite the establishment of multiple committees, the issuance of decisions, presentation of studies, and submission of hundreds of documents confirming our people’s rightful land ownership, the forced settlements imposed by the former dictatorship still stand as enduring symbols of oppression and humiliation—in places like Kuri Kavana, Bersive, Komane, Diana, Mangesh, and Harir. These areas have even been developed into municipalities and towns, receiving services that are denied to other regions inhabited by our people. Following the 1991 uprising, new settlements such as Azadi also emerged. Villages in Zakho, Barwari Bala, Sapna, Amedi, Semel, Nala, and Ankawa continue to reflect the layers of injustice—both those inherited from the dictatorship and those reinforced under the KRG.
Addressing these land violations is crucial for establishing a true national partnership and ensuring equal rights for all under laws that apply impartially to all citizens. However, the lack of political will and the failure to take accountability have only worsened the violations. The current efforts are nothing more than empty promises and administrative distractions designed to evade the truth. Even court rulings have gone unenforced when the violators hold significant power, highlighting the absence of the rule of law and a judiciary unable to protect the oppressed.
The harsh reality on the ground highlights the Kurdish political leadership’s complicity in injustice towards the rightful landowners, ignoring the sacrifices these villages made, both in blood and support, during the Kurdish liberation movement. Our homes were steadfast havens for Peshmerga fighters, who shared both bread and the hope for freedom. Yet, the outcome has been far from what was expected. While some have flourished, others have been sidelined. Even more troubling, many of those now claiming our land were once loyal to the dictatorship and merely switched their allegiance to the new regime.
Land is life, and taking away our people’s remaining land ultimately means erasing their existence. This provides undeniable proof of their intentions, despite the government’s superficial efforts. Can these authorities demonstrate the resolution of even a single land violation case since 1961, such as those in Gerbesh, Doria, Qurolo, Keshkawa, Hezarjot, or Ankawa?
Let us remind everyone of the 1993 Kurdistan Parliament decision that mandated the return of lands confiscated for military or settlement purposes under the previous regime to their rightful owners. Regrettably, this law was only applied to Kurds, leaving our people in Duhok and Erbil, particularly in Ankawa, without their land. Tens of thousands of dunums were taken under the claim that they were designated for military housing and are now under the Ministry of Peshmerga. This includes Erbil International Airport, the Pavilion Complex, and lands in Bakhtme
Taking Ankawa as an example: The land violations occurred under the regional government itself. While governments have the authority to expropriate land for public purposes, such as airports or housing, they are required by law to compensate the original owners. However, Ankawa’s lands were transferred to private individuals, companies, or cronies for personal gain without any compensation. The same laws that ensure compensation when the landowners are Kurdish are disregarded when the landowners are from our community.
Additionally, Ankawa, once a charming sanctuary in Erbil, was disastrously altered by the actions of the Tourism Authority. Residents were appalled by the proliferation of morally questionable establishments within residential areas, which violated tourism regulations and community standards. This had a profound impact on Ankawa’s reputation and security, prompting many to leave the town.
Despite numerous appeals from the people of Ankawa and youth campaigns on social media, their concerns were ignored. In contrast, President Barzani’s office swiftly addressed complaints from Barzan and Akré residents regarding similar issues. This selective response reveals that Ankawa is being subjected to collective punishment, and it is time to hold those responsible for these corrupt actions accountable.
Another example is the ongoing issue in Hezarjot village, located in the Rovia subdistrict of Bardarash. Despite more than 30 years of disputes, favorable rulings, and a 2021 agreement signed in the presence of the local bishop, the violations persist due to a lack of enforcement.
A particularly egregious example is the confiscation of land owned by the family of Assyrian activist Touma Hormuz, father of Yousef Touma Hormuz—an Assyrian Democratic Movement co-founder who was executed by Saddam Hussein’s regime. Touma himself was sentenced to life in prison, and the family’s property was seized. After 1991, however, land grabs targeting their holdings escalated further. Today, parts of this land are officially registered under the Kurdistan Democratic Party’s Political Bureau and its affiliated media outlets.
We question how the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) can justify its failure to enforce laws passed by its own parliament. Does this pattern of selective enforcement not constitute racial discrimination?
We also remind the KRG of its own Council of Ministers Decision No. 83, issued on November 25, 2020, which called for the formation of a committee—led by the Minister of Interior—to address land violations affecting our community. Yet, to this day, the committee has delivered no tangible outcomes and has functioned merely as a public relations tool.
This is not a request for special treatment—it is a rightful demand. The KRG must take serious and effective steps to honor its declared commitment to national partnership and the protection of ethnic and religious diversity.
The Syriac Education File and Kurdish Educational Curricula:
The right of our students to learn in their mother tongue is a sacred right, affirmed by all international and humanitarian charters. The Assyrian Democratic Movement’s demand for this right stem from its deep belief in preserving our people’s national identity and their right to learn in their language just like other Iraqi peoples, including the Kurdish people. Despite the obstacles placed in the path of this process, it has proven successful and exemplary, thanks to the national efforts of our people and modest governmental support, which continues to this day. Although the Syriac education process is part of the official government education system, it has suffered from a lack of adequate support across multiple levels. Even governmental administrative procedures have sometimes worked against this practice.
Although the Ministry of Education within the Kurdistan Regional Government includes a General Directorate for Syriac Education, it functions largely as an empty framework—lacking real authority or effectiveness. The Directorate is critically understaffed, underfunded, and deprived of meaningful administrative powers, including in areas such as hiring, staff transfers, and curriculum development. It has been reduced to a symbolic, bureaucratic structure with little practical impact.
Syriac schools today face a critical shortage of teaching staff. Since 2013, no new hires have been made, even as many teachers have retired, resigned for various reasons, or emigrated. This has severely impacted the quality of education. In response, our national institutions have attempted to fill the gap by covering the wages of unofficial lecturers and their transportation to remote areas and villages. However, these efforts have fallen short of meeting the actual needs.
Despite years of repeated appeals to the government, the situation remains unchanged. Authorities continue to cite limited resources and invoke the principle of equal treatment with public schools—while overlooking the necessity of affirmative measures to support a community whose very existence, along with its national and cultural identity, is at risk.
The importance of this issue lies in the extent to which Kurdish political and party authorities accept the principles of ethnic, cultural, and linguistic pluralism in the region, and the seriousness of the official measures that support the continuity and success of these concepts in practice not merely as slogans or superficial gestures.
On the other hand, Kurdish educational curricula, especially at the early stages, are devoid of any historical or educational content about ethnic and religious diversity in the region. They do not recognize these groups’ rights, sacrifices, and serious contributions to building, developing, and growing the region. On the contrary, some of the curricula even contain material that undermines coexistence and fraternity, glorifying Kurdish figures who committed crimes against our people and harmed the historic relations between our Chaldean Syriac Assyrian and Kurdish communities.
We sincerely call for a review of these curricula and a reworking of their content to reflect the reality of ethnic and religious diversity in the region, to educate about the sacrifices and contributions of other groups in building and defending the region. Hate speech and ethnonationalist extremism are on the rise in society, threatening both social and security stability.
Peaceful Social Coexistence:
Peaceful coexistence in the region must be more than a slogan dressed up for the media with polished language and idealized portrayals of harmony. It should be a lived reality—reflected in daily actions and genuine commitments by the authorities to foster trust among all communities, particularly between minorities and the majority.
This vision cannot be realized as long as minority groups continue to experience injustice and marginalization at the hands of those in power. Addressing only one dimension of minority identity—such as religion—while overlooking others like ethnicity, political participation, administrative representation, culture, and education is not enough. Building a few churches or supporting religious figures and activities, while appreciated, does not equate to genuine coexistence or a true national partnership. This is especially the case while land continues to be confiscated, administrative rights are withheld, and minorities are denied the ability to freely elect their legitimate representatives. As long as educational curricula remain shaped by the ideology, culture, and narrative of the dominant majority, authentic coexistence remains out of reach.
The story of societal coexistence between our peoples is not new. It is a historical journey, where the blood of both sides has mingled in the defense of justice, rights, and shared causes. It is a story of brotherhood, neighborliness, friendship, shared villages and clans, geography, resistance to oppression, and hope for freedom and a shared future. The Movement’s vision seeks to protect, maintain, and nurture this relationship.
Transitional Justice and the Absence of Rule of Law:
Transitional justice has become a pressing necessity and the cornerstone of societal justice. Recognizing victims of past violations and abuses and acknowledging that their rights are not nullified by the passage of time, can strengthen trust among members of society despite ethnic, religious, and regional differences. This also builds trust in state institutions, promotes respect for human rights, and strengthens the rule of law to prevent future violations.
Our people have been subjected to egregious violations, killings and assassinations without any legal action from the authorities in the region to bring the perpetrators to justice, even though their identities are known. The assassination of the late martyr MP Francis Yousif Shabo in Duhok passed without consequence, as did the killings of Martyr Amir Rouel, Martyrs Beers Mirza and Samir Moshe in Ankawa, Martyr Ghassan Buya, the murdered Haval and Lazar in Shaqlawa, Adwar Khoshaba in Nala, and Akheqar Gorges in the village of Kinda Kosa, Helen Sawa in Duhok, and others. The incidents of killing, displacement, and the seizure of the village of Malla Arab in Zakho, the terrorist attacks on shops and businesses belonging to our people in Zakho, Semel, and Duhok, and the burning of Nohadra Social Club, the most important cultural and community center in Duhok for decades all passed without any serious deterrent action or genuine accountability from the executive or judicial authorities.
These incidents were met with silence, and no decisive action was taken to restore public trust in the institutions of the ruling authority. Immediate justice was lacking, and transitional justice remains unfulfilled.
What we seek is a justice system that serves as the cornerstone of governance—defined by fairness, integrity, and an unwavering commitment to all segments of society. True justice measures issues through the lens of rights and citizenship, not through bias or discrimination, as has repeatedly been the case for our people.
Parliamentary Representation and Electoral Laws:
The Assyrian Democratic Movement (Zowaa) was among the political forces within the Kurdistan Front that endorsed the region’s first parliamentary elections. These elections aimed to establish legitimate institutions to fill the administrative void left by the withdrawal of the former dictatorial regime. They also sought to ensure that authority would be derived from the will of the region’s people.
The 1992 parliamentary elections in the Kurdistan Region were a genuine reflection of popular will, leading to the formation of a parliament and government tasked with legislating, governing, and addressing public needs. This process continued even after the fall of the former regime, marking the beginning of a new phase in Iraq’s national political landscape.
However, the political process in the region began to shift in a way that undermined our people’s political representation. There has been a growing effort to strip away the national will of our community through unjust electoral laws, which enable the manipulation of quota seats reserved for ethnic minorities—our people included—through politically influenced and heavily controlled voting. This has resulted in a distorted and politically weakened form of representation, undermining our people’s ability to engage in political life and discouraging them from voting, as they recognize that fair competition is lacking and the outcomes are already determined. Competing under such an unjust electoral system has become meaningless.
As a consequence, trust in parliamentary institutions and other government bodies has eroded, leading to a deep loss of confidence in both the future and the principles of coexistence. This has contributed to an increase in emigration, even from historically stable areas like Dohuk and Erbil. This reality alone stands in stark contrast to the claims of care, attention, and equality made by those in power in the region.
Intellectual and Psychological Coercion:
This issue has been raised repeatedly, with numerous requests submitted to address it, as it is crucial to upholding citizenship rights and preserving the dignity of all citizens.
Our children, along with those from other non-Kurdish communities, are still required to recite the region’s official slogan in schools and at official events: “We are the descendants of Media and Kai Khosrow.” In reality, our people trace their heritage to Babylon and Assyria. The insistence by government and party authorities on perpetuating this narrative amounts to intellectual coercion and psychological oppression. It violates Article 37, Paragraph 2 of the Iraqi Constitution, which states: “The State guarantees protection of the individual from intellectual, political, and religious coercion,” and contradicts Article 4, Paragraph 1 of the Kurdistan Region’s Law No. 5 of 2015 for Protecting the Rights of Components, which stipulates: “Every individual has the right to disclose their religious identity and preserve their national identity, which ties them to a specific component. This right is exclusive to the individual, and no entity has the authority to take it away.”
While we raise this issue with deep respect for the sacred symbols of the Kurdish people, imposing them on all communities is an unjust and coercive practice. Additionally, the regional flag, emblem, and anthem fail to incorporate any symbols that represent ethnic, religious, or civilizational diversity, thereby undermining the foundation for true partnership and diversity.
ADM’s Vision for the National Rights of the Chaldean Syriac Assyrian People:
The Assyrian Democratic Movement’s vision for partnership in the Kurdistan Region aligns with its efforts to consolidate the principles of national justice, political pluralism, and equitable distribution of power and wealth, based on the Iraqi Constitution and the effective laws in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. This vision aims to guarantee the rights of the Chaldean Syriac Assyrian people as an essential partner in state and society-building while preserving their historical presence and safeguarding their national, religious, linguistic, and cultural identity.
- Power-Sharing on a National Basis:
The Movement demands:
Genuine national partnership through fair representation of our people in the region’s three presidencies (Presidency, Government, and Parliament), based on our people’s national will and a fair electoral law that protects voter intent.
Our people must be treated as an indigenous component, not merely a religious minority. This necessitates implementing a quota system based on national identity rather than sectarian or religious affiliation alone.
- Official Symbols:
The Movement calls for:
Inclusion of our people’s symbols in the region’s official emblems (name, flag, emblem, national anthem) to achieve national partnership.
Recognition of our cultural and historical symbols as part of the region’s national identity, in line with the constitution’s stipulation to respect and protect component rights.
- Law on the Protection of Component Rights:
Enforcement of Law No. 5 of 2015 for protecting components, especially Article 4 (preventing violations against component properties) and Article 5 (preventing demographic change and reversing such changes affecting our people’s lands).
Amendment of the municipal council establishment law to suit our people’s demographic realities, as the current law requires a population of 3,000 to form a municipal council—an unachievable number in our villages.
Protection of our electoral quota system, with separate voter registries and polling stations to ensure that voting for these seats is restricted to our community.
- Autonomy and Guaranteeing National Existence:
The Movement advocates:
Administrative autonomy for our people, to safeguard their national existence, preserve language, culture, heritage, and social affairs.
As the region lacks its own constitution, the Movement proposes establishing an Independent Administration for the Chaldean Syriac Assyrians in Ankawa, similar to the independent administrations of Soran, Zakho, and Germiyan. This can be established by the Council of Ministers without needing a new law or constitution and would form the basis for administrative autonomy upon constitutional completion.
- Civil Governance and Democratic Pluralism:
The Movement urges:
Strengthening civil authority institutions, ensuring separation of powers, judicial independence, freedom from partisan interference, democratic governance, and merit-based appointments free from political or partisan affiliation.
- Personal Status Law:
The Movement calls for:
A specific personal status law for our people that respects their religious and social norms, separating their issues from Islamic legislation, and canceling the law that Islamizes minors.
- Addressing Land and Property Violations:
The Movement demands:
An executive governmental decision to comprehensively resolve the issue of land encroachments on our villages since 1961. This includes documenting violations, restoring land to rightful owners, and compensating the harmed both materially and morally.
- Educational Reform:
Curricula should include:
History and civilization of our people.
Principles of coexistence and pluralism.
Support for Syriac education via an independent structure with sufficient budgets for curriculum development, equipment, and necessary staff.
- Employment Quota Compensation:
A special law should be issued to ensure that job vacancies vacated due to resignation, retirement, or security issues are filled by members of our component.
- Representation in Security Forces:
Integration of our people into the internal security forces (police, Asayish, Zerevani) with job quotas reflecting national diversity—not partisan loyalty.
Resolving the cases of martyrs, granting due rights to their families, and equating our fighters’ pensions with others.
Re-establishing the Assyrian Military Battalion within the Ministry of Peshmerga.
- Economic and Developmental Partnership:
The Movement demands:
Ending economic monopolization, ensuring equal investment and development opportunities, enabling our people to develop their historical areas economically, and fair distribution of national wealth, especially from oil and gas projects in our regions.
Example: The tourist company in Enishke village was once co-owned by the government and villagers under the former regime but was later fully seized and handed over to outsiders under the regional government.
- Administrative Representation:
The Movement demands representation of our people in:
Ministerial posts or equivalent.
Governor and deputy governor positions in provinces with historical presence.
Sub-district and district leadership in Erbil and Dohuk, with creation of new ones in our regions.
Judicial bodies, independent commissions, and those for human rights, media, culture, and sports.
Conclusion:
This vision represents a clear roadmap for a just and sustainable partnership that guarantees equality and respects national, religious, and cultural diversity in the Kurdistan Region. Through it, the Assyrian Democratic Movement emphasizes that true partnership goes beyond symbolic representation to full political, cultural, economic, and social rights ensuring the survival and prosperity of the Chaldean Syriac Assyrian people in their historic homeland.
This vision outlines the injustices our people have faced in the region and offers solutions. We present it to the Kurdish political leadership, urging them to fulfill their responsibilities, understand this suffering, and work on resolving the issues.
This political vision focuses on the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and will be followed soon by the national vision of the Assyrian Democratic Movement for all of Iraq.
April 25, 2025
Central Committee
Assyrian Democratic Movement